While it is far away and little known, we should all be paying more attention to Indonesia, even beyond its important elections this week.  It is the world’s fourth most populous country (home to one-fifth of the world’s Muslim’s) and the third largest democracy.  By some accounts, Indonesia’s economy is already in the world’s top ten, but it most certainly makes the top 20 — ahead of the likes of Turkey, Taiwan, Australia and Saudi Arabia — and it is gaining steam, with annual growth still topping 5 percent.

Indonesia is a founding member of ASEAN and one of the G-20 major economies group.  It has the world’s second highest level of biodiversity and an immense natural resource base, but also plays a major role in climate change.  Indonesia’s resources have enabled it to be active in global trade since at least the seventh century and to grow quickly in recent years.  Its resource wealth also has made Indonesia vulnerable to foreign intervention, conflict, domestic corruption and political crony-ism.  Moreover, Indonesia’s demographic diversity and spatial fragmentation are unparalleled, which make its transformation to a modern market-based democracy very complex.

Across an archipelago of over 13,000 islands, Indonesia’s population comprises hundreds of distinct native ethnic and linguistic groups.  Yet, the national motto “Bhinneka Tunggal Ika” is “Unity in Diversity” or literally, “many, yet one.”  That, however, remains to be seen.  It is an open question whether Indonesia continues its recent movement toward political and economic freedom and inclusion, enabled by political and religious pluralism and moderation.  Ultimately, Indonesia’s path will affect us all, and have near-term impacts.

The challenge is starkly illustrated in the degree to which the next President of Indonesia will press forward with democratic reform and economic liberalization, or fall back further into the authoritarianism, protectionism, corruption and crony capitalism from which the country has just begun to emerge.  The press has widely covered the dichotomy between the two candidates who faced off in an extremely tight race — only the second direct Presidential election in its history — on July 9.  Indonesia will either go forward with a reputedly authoritarian former general (Prabowo  Subianto) — the wealthy and well-connected former the son in law of long-time President Suharto — or a successful, self-made entrepreneur/exporter (Joko Widodo) who served as the Governor of Jakarta but lacks Subianto’s extensive military and economic connections.

Subianto’s statements reportedly include disavowing direct elections as “…not in accordance with our own culture” and telling crowds that “the wealth of Indonesians has been stolen, stolen, stolen from the people” by foreign investors who make Indonesians their “lackeys.”  Yet, his family actively trades in oil and gas, palm oil and mining and as Suharto’s Finance Minister, his father helped to open the country again to trade in the 1960s and some believe he could be “good for business.”  Nonetheless, Indonesian markets reacted positively to news that Joko Widodo, the populist outsider who has made clear his support for the institutions (market and political) which have enabled his own success, likely won by a narrow margin.  International investors have signaled in some surveys a greater comfort level with their likely prospects under a Widodo Presidency, but Indonesia’s ambivalence towards FDI is real, and must be addressed.

In truth, each candidate has spoken to deep-seated concerns at home that outsiders have exploited Indonesia’s resources and meddled in its affairs.  Widodo, however, has reportedly been more temperate, committing to respect existing contracts with foreign investors despite criticism of foreign investment.  Both candidates are seen as more nationalistic than the current President.  Even if he wins when the official results are released on July 22, Widodo will not have a strong mandate to undertake the painful reforms needed to address twin fiscal and current account deficits (e.g. by cutting popular fuel subsidies) while expanding much-needed infrastructure investment.  He will have to tap popular sentiment and international support to combat the corruption and cronyism which benefit powerful vested interests in Indonesia.  The new President must also woo international investors, but without being seen to knuckle under to outside pressure.  He will also need to tamp down popular frustrations while maintaining stability and defending against division and extremism.  It is a tall order, and the new President will need substantial international support.

All the while, Widodo would face powerful, well-resourced opponents and the headwinds of tapering by the U.S. Federal Reserve and weak international demand for Indonesia’s commodity exports.  The business community and international leaders could do much to help raise the prospects that Indonesia weathers these challenges and continues to evolve as a moderate, majority Muslim democracy that can be a good global partner on issues such a climate change, security and global growth for allies such as the United States (one of its biggest trade partners) .  Indonesia will need attention, understanding and support to avoid being a barrier to these goals, or far worse, turning sharply away from economic and political inclusion and openness.  Given its size, population mix, and critical role in global dialogue, Indonesia’s path will matter to us all.

Photo of Stuart E. Eizenstat Stuart E. Eizenstat

Ambassador Stuart E. Eizenstat is Senior Counsel  in Covington & Burling LLP’s international practice. His work at Covington focuses on resolving international trade problems and business disputes with the U.S. and foreign governments, and international business transactions and regulations on behalf…

Ambassador Stuart E. Eizenstat is Senior Counsel  in Covington & Burling LLP’s international practice. His work at Covington focuses on resolving international trade problems and business disputes with the U.S. and foreign governments, and international business transactions and regulations on behalf of U.S. companies and others around the world. He was an Adjunct Lecturer at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government (1982-1991), where he taught a course on presidential decision-making. He has been a Guest Scholar at the Brookings Institution (1981) and the Woodrow Wilson Center (2001).

During a decade and a half of public service in six U.S. administrations, Ambassador Eizenstat has held a number of key senior positions, including Chief White House Domestic Policy Adviser to President Jimmy Carter (1977-1981); U.S. Ambassador to the European Union, Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade, Under Secretary of State for Economic, Business and Agricultural Affairs, and Deputy Secretary of the Treasury in the Clinton Administration (1993-2001).

In the Carter White House, he was major figure in all the domestic legislative achievements of the Carter Administration. He also recommended to President Carter a Presidential Commission on the Holocaust, headed by Elie Wiesel, which led directly to the congressional approval of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

During the Clinton Administration, he had a prominent role in the development of key international initiatives, including the negotiations of the Transatlantic Agenda with the European Union (establishing the framework for the  U.S. relationship with the EU); the development of the Transatlantic Business Dialogue (TABD) among European and US CEOs; the negotiation of agreements with the European Union regarding the Helms-Burton Act and the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act; the negotiation of the Japan Port Agreement with the Japanese government; and the negotiation of the Kyoto Protocol on global warming, where he led the  U.S. delegation.

Much of the interest in providing belated justice for victims of the Holocaust and other victims of Nazi tyranny during World War II was the result of his leadership of the Clinton Administration as Special Representative of the President and Secretary of State on Holocaust-Era Issues, while continuing to hold his other Senate-confirmed positions. He successfully negotiated major agreements with the Swiss, Germans, Austrian and French, and other European countries, covering restitution of property, payment for slave and forced laborers, recovery of looted art, bank accounts, and payment of insurance policies. He was the principal negotiator of the 1998 Washington Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art with 44 countries, which continues to be a basis for recovery and compensation for Nazi-looted art. His book on these events, Imperfect Justice: Looted Assets, Slave Labor, and the Unfinished Business of World War II, has been favorably received in publications like the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, Business Week, and Publisher’s Weekly. It has been translated into German, French, Czech and Hebrew.

In addition, during the Obama administration, he served as Special Adviser on Holocaust-Era Issues to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Secretary of State John Kerry (2009-2017). During this period of his public service, Ambassador Eizenstat negotiated significant Holocaust-related agreement with the governments of Lithuania (2011), and with France (2014), regarding the deportation of Jews on the French railway. During this time, he was also the principal U.S. negotiator for the Terezin Declaration with 47 countries (2009), which strengthened the Washington Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art and urging measures to assist the social welfare of poor, elderly Holocaust survivors, and the agreement with over 40 countries on Best Practices and Guidelines for the Restitution and/or Compensation of Private (Immovable) Property Confiscated by the Nazis and their Collaborators Between 1933-1945. In the Obama Administration, he also served on the Defense Policy Board, for Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel and Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter.

During the Trump administration, he was appointed by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo as Expert Adviser to the State Department on Holocaust-Era Issues (2008-2021).

In the Biden administration, he is currently serving as Special Adviser to Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Holocaust Issues. In this capacity, he played a major role in the negotiation of the Best Practices for the Washington Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art (2024), now supported by 25 countries. He was appointed by President Biden as Chairman of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Council (2022-present).

Since 2009, he has served as pro bono Special Negotiator for the Jewish Claims Conference in negotiations with the German government, obtaining billions of dollars of benefits for poor Holocaust survivors, for home care, social and medical services, enhanced pensions, hardship payments, child survivor and Kindertransport survivors, special supplemental payments for the poorest of the poor, and worldwide educational benefits.

Ambassador Eizenstat has received more than eighty awards, including eight honorary doctorate degrees from universities and academic institutions. He has been awarded high civilian awards from the governments of France (two Legions of Honor awards in 2004 and 2024), Germany, Austria, Israel, Belgium and Lithuania, as well as from Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, and the Alexander Hamilton Award from Secretary of the Treasury Lawrence Summers. In 2003, he received the Great Negotiator Award from Harvard Law School. In 2007, he was named “The Leading Lawyer in International Trade” in Washington, DC by Legal Times. His articles appear in The New York Times, Financial Times, International Herald Tribune, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, USA Today,  Foreign Policy magazine, and Foreign Affairs magazine, on a variety of international and domestic topics. He was the co-author of Andrew Young: The Path to History (1973), which chronicled how Andrew Young became for the first African American to win a congressional seat in the Deep South since Reconstruction following the Civil War.

His book President Carter: The White House Years (2018, 2020) is a definitive history of the Carter administration, which has been favorably reviewed by The New York Times, The Washington Post, National Review, National Interest, Minneapolis Star Tribune, Moment Magazine, and many other publications. His most recent book is The Art of Diplomacy: How American Negotiators Reached Historic Agreements That Changed the World (20240,which has also won accolades from a variety of publications.

Ambassador Eizenstat grew up in Atlanta and was educated in its  public schools. He was All-City and Honorable Mention All-American (Dell Sports Magazine) in basketball.  He is a Phi Beta Kappa, cum laude graduate of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he was inducted into the Order of the Old Well and Golden Fleece Society, and has an endowed chair in his name, The Ambassador Stuart E. Eizenstat Chair of Modern Jewish History. He is a graduate  of Harvard Law School. He was  married for 45 years to the late Frances Eizenstat and has two sons, eight grandchildren, and one great-grandson.