On 8 May 2025, the European Union launched a public consultation on potential countermeasures in response to U.S. automotive tariffs and the potential imposition of a 20% “reciprocal” tariff on EU-origin goods—covering around €379 billion of EU exports to the U.S.  In particular, the EU is considering imposing tariffs on U.S. imports worth approximately €95 billion, covering a wide range of industrial and agricultural products.  The Commission is also evaluating possible restrictions on EU exports to the U.S., principally steel scrap and certain chemical products, valued at €4.4 billion.  If implemented, the export restrictions could take the form of export duties, quantitative restrictions such as quotas or licensing requirements, additional administrative charges, or a combination of these measures.  No specific tariff rates have been proposed at this stage and the consultation is open until 10 June.  Notably, the EU has not thus far targeted U.S. services as part of its retaliatory measures.

These countermeasures could be activated if ongoing EU-U.S. negotiations fail to deliver a mutually acceptable resolution, and the U.S. tariffs remain in place.  While the U.S. currently imposes a 10% global reciprocal tariff on most imports, the negotiations follow a decision by President Trump to pause higher, country-specific tariff rates that were scheduled to come into effect on April 9 and would have increased the reciprocal tariff rate on U.S. imports from the EU to 20%.  Those higher tariffs are paused for 90-days, or until 9 July 2025, absent an extension.  EU exports of autos and auto parts to the U.S. are also subject to 25% tariffs, while the U.S. is also considering imposing additional sector-specific tariffs on—among other sectors—imports of pharmaceuticals and related ingredients; semiconductors and semiconductor manufacturing equipment and their derivative products; critical minerals and their derivative products; as well as commercial aircraft, jet engines, and related parts.  Should it proceed with any of these measures, the EU is likely to increase the scope of its proposed response.

If adopted, the EU countermeasures would supplement the existing EU “Rebalancing Tariffs” previously introduced—and suspended until 14 July—in response to increased U.S. steel and aluminum duties.  Most of the products covered by the Rebalancing Tariffs would be subject to a 25% ad valorem duty, with some facing a reduced rate of 10%.  The Rebalancing Tariffs would apply to U.S. goods exports worth up to €26 billion.

The Enforcement Regulation and the Anti-Coercion Instrument

In preparing for a scenario in which negotiations with the U.S. fail to bring tariff relief, the EU has several legal instruments at its disposal to take responsive countermeasures, most notably the Enforcement Regulation and the Anti-Coercion Instrument (ACI), with some overlapping and some distinguishing features.

A. Intended Use of the Two Instruments

The Enforcement Regulation is a long-standing mechanism designed to enforce the EU’s rights under international trade agreements, including under World Trade Organization (WTO) agreements.  Initially adopted in 2014 and amended in 2021, it empowers the EU to respond to breaches of trade obligations—particularly when a trading partner withdraws concessions granted under WTO agreements or fails to implement a ruling adopted by the WTO Dispute Settlement Body.  Crucially, the amended Regulation now allows the EU to act unilaterally when multilateral adjudication is not possible, including in the absence of a functioning WTO Appellate Body (which has lacked the necessary quorum since late 2019, following a U.S. refusal to appoint additional members to the body).

The ACI is a newer framework that is intended to act as a deterrent.  It offers the EU the ability to respond to economic coercion even when those coercive measures do not violate WTO rules.  Economic coercion is defined as situations where a third country seeks to pressure the EU or its Member States into making or abandoning specific policy decisions by applying, or threatening to apply, trade or investment measures.

B. Available EU Countermeasures

Enforcement Regulation countermeasures are extensive and encompass new tariffs or import quotas on goods, export restrictions, the suspension of protections for services and adoption of restrictions on trade in services, the exclusion of certain suppliers from public procurement opportunities, and the suspension of intellectual property rights protections.

The ACI gives the EU much the same powers, and in addition, permits measures to restrict foreign direct investment (FDI), banking and other financial services, restrictions on the placing on the EU market of chemicals, and discriminatory sanitary and phytosanitary measures.  

In addition, both the Enforcement Regulation and the ACI establish rules of origin for services and investments.  These rules treat services and investments as EU-origin where these are provided through a commercial presence that involves “substantive business operations” in an EU Member State such that the company in question “has a direct and effective link with the economy of that Member State”.  For all other cross-border modes of supply, both instruments look to the ownership or control of the company in question to determine origin.  However, where the EU adopts measures under the ACI, that instrument applies this less favorable ownership-or-control-based rule of origin also to supply of services by a commercial presence, setting aside the protections of EU origin.

C. Timelines

Both regulations are designed to allow the EU to act fast, and the ACI even specifies maximum timelines for each step required to be taken before countermeasures may be imposed.  Where the Member States and Commission are aligned, the EU can act fast under either instrument.

The procedure for adopting such measures under the Enforcement Regulation is straightforward.

  1. The Commission will generally consult on products it intends to hit—as it did on 8 May.
  2. It will then propose the measure under the Enforcement Regulation and put it to a “qualified majority vote” in the Council (“QMV”, i.e., where approval requires a vote in favor by the representatives of at least 15 of the 27 EU Member States representing 65% of EU citizens).

By contrast, the ACI process is designed for escalation over a period of months—faster than WTO proceedings but with more steps than the Enforcement Regulation:

  1. The Commission assesses whether there has been “economic coercion” (this assessment can take a maximum of 4 months, but can also be almost immediate if there is clear coercion).
  2. The Council agrees by QMV (which must take place within 8-10 weeks of the Commission’s determination regarding economic coercion, but is likely to be sooner).
  3. The Commission must then consult with the third country in question for an “adequate” time—which again can be short.
  4. The Commission then presents its proposed measures to a committee of Member State experts (a “comitology committee”), which adopts the proposed countermeasures by QMV, generally no less than 14 days after the Commission tables its proposal.
  5. The measures must be applied within no more than 3 months from their adoption, unless there are “special circumstances” that require a longer delay—but this too is likely to take place much sooner.

Once adopted, the measure will generally enter into force 20 days after its publication in the EU’s Official Journal.

Under both instruments, certain restrictions (such as a new tax measures) may require further EU- or national-level legislation.

Alternative Legal Instruments

In addition to the Enforcement Regulation and the ACI, the EU has several other legal tools at its disposal to counteract or mitigate the effects of trade-related pressure from the U.S. or other third countries.  These instruments could be used either in tandem with the Enforcement Regulation and the ACI or as stand-alone responses.

One such option is the introduction of safeguard measures, which are temporary import restrictions or tariffs imposed to protect domestic industries from sudden and harmful surges in imports (see rules for imports from WTO countries).  The EU previously adopted safeguards in response to the first round of Trump-era steel tariffs, aiming to stabilize its internal market from increases in steel imports resulting from the knock-on effects of diverted global trade flows.  Safeguards are limited to eight years under the WTO Agreement on Safeguards, and the EU is currently considering how to maintain protections for its steel and aluminum sectors after its current measures on steel run out on June 30, 2026.

Another potential route is for the Commission to launch new anti-subsidy oranti-dumping investigations against U.S. exports.  If certain American goods are being sold into the EU market at artificially low prices or with the benefit of state subsidies that distort competition, these investigations could lead to the imposition of antidumping or countervailing duties.

The EU may also choose to lean on newer instruments that reflect its evolving approach to trade defense in a more politically charged global environment.  One example is the Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR), which enables the EU to scrutinize and restrict foreign-subsidized companies from gaining undue advantage in the EU market, particularly in mergers and acquisitions, or public procurement.  Similarly, the International Procurement Instrument (IPI) gives the EU leverage over trading partners that deny reciprocal access to EU firms in their public procurement markets.  If U.S. suppliers enjoy broad access to EU tenders while EU firms face barriers in the U.S., the EU could restrict access for U.S. goods or providers (or restrict their ability to compete in public tenders on terms equal to those enjoyed by EU counterparts) under the IPI.

Finally, the EU might also consider leveraging its regulatory framework through tighter enforcement of product standards, cybersecurity rules, or ESG-related requirements.  Measures such as carbon border adjustments, supply chain due diligence laws, or digital compliance rules could have a significant extraterritorial impact.  Although not designed as retaliatory in nature—and much though the EU has stated that these regimes are out of scope of negotiations with the U.S.—these rules could be used to place additional pressure on non-EU exporters, including those from the U.S. This is particularly true in instances where the EU has discretion over enforcement, and where exporters’ practices do not meet EU expectations.

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Our cross-practice EU trade policy and trade controls team is advising clients on the impact of these EU-U.S. trade developments.  We guide clients through this shifting landscape, helping them assess and mitigate the risks these measures pose to their operations and future projects.

Photo of Atli Stannard Atli Stannard

Atli Stannard is special counsel in the firm’s Public Policy practice. He guides clients in highly regulated industries through complex EU policymaking processes, protecting and advancing their core business and regulatory priorities.

Atli’s practice covers all aspects of EU policymaking and legislative advocacy…

Atli Stannard is special counsel in the firm’s Public Policy practice. He guides clients in highly regulated industries through complex EU policymaking processes, protecting and advancing their core business and regulatory priorities.

Atli’s practice covers all aspects of EU policymaking and legislative advocacy, including the regulation of the tech, food and beverage, pharmaceutical and medical devices, and industrial sectors, and on EU trade, environmental and ESG, and competition policy. He has handled matters before the European Commission, European Parliament, Council of the EU, and Member State and UK governments. Clients rely on him to identify regulatory risks and opportunities, and engage in the policy process to defend and promote their business interests. 

Technology: Atli has worked extensively for clients on matters relating to EU data, content, platform, Artificial Intelligence, and competition policy.
Food and beverage: Atli helps clients developing novel plant-based foods to secure the necessary regulatory authorizations and engage in broader EU food policymaking. He regularly engages with EU and national authorities to ensure that health and environmental regulations are based in rigorous scientific evidence. He has drawn on his trade policy expertise to assist clients seeking to import food products into the EU.
Drug & medical devices: Atli has counseled clients and engaged with the EU institutions on matters relating to genomics, the regulation of medical devices and in vitro diagnostics, health technology assessment, orphan medicines, and pricing.
Industrial: Atli helps clients engage with EU and national bodies on the environmental benefits of their innovative technologies, and on EU plastics, chemical, and product regulation.

In his EU trade policy work, Atli regularly advises clients facing on EU market access and customs classification issues, trade defense actions (tariffs and safeguard measures), and non-tariff barriers (including sanitary and phytosanitary measures). He helps clients engage in the EU’s negotiation of new trade agreements. He counsels clients on the impact of the upcoming Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, and how to shape and comply with its requirements.

Atli is a member of the firm’s ESG and Business and Human Rights Practices, and works with clients to assess the impact of and engage with new and upcoming Environmental, Social and Governance rules, including the EU Green Deal, supply chain diligence and the EU’s developing sustainable finance rules.

Atli’s competition policy advocacy work encompasses mergers, challenges under Articles 101 (anticompetitive agreements) and 102 (abuse of dominance) TFEU, and referrals under Article 22 of the EU Merger Regulation.

Atli has counseled international investors extensively on the EU’s proposals for a regime on foreign subsidies, and on the EU’s new FDI screening rules and coordination mechanism, as well as on EU tax policymaking. He also works closely with litigation colleagues to protect clients’ legitimate interests in multiple venues.

Photo of Kate McNulty Kate McNulty

Kate McNulty is a senior associate in the Washington office who helps clients navigate complex international trade and investment matters. She counsels companies, trade associations, and governments on U.S. trade and tariff measures, as well as implementation of responsive measures by foreign governments.

Kate McNulty is a senior associate in the Washington office who helps clients navigate complex international trade and investment matters. She counsels companies, trade associations, and governments on U.S. trade and tariff measures, as well as implementation of responsive measures by foreign governments. She provides legal and strategic advice to clients on global policy issues and geopolitical risks, including assessing and mitigating reputational, economic, or physical risk to their businesses or investments. She advises clients on the application and use of international treaties—including free trade agreements (FTAs), bilateral investment treaties (BITs), and agreements under World Trade Organization (WTO) framework—to open markets and resolve disputes, also advising clients seeking to understand and engage with the negotiation and implementation of such agreements.

Kate also focuses her trade practice on U.S. anti-forced labor laws as well as business-related human rights matters, advising clients on the application and enforcement of the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA) and Withhold Release Orders (WROs) issued by the U.S. government. She helps clients develop and implement strategies to mitigate supply chain risks, including by building compliance programs, developing due diligence procedures, and conducting risk assessments. She also advises clients on conducting human rights-related investigations and implementing related findings.

Kate has represented corporate clients in both commercial and investment treaty arbitrations, including under ICSID, ICC, UNCITRAL, and ICDR rules, and also represents clients in proceedings before U.S. administrative bodies and U.S. courts, including in trade remedy proceedings (AD/CVD).

She also maintains an active pro bono practice focused on international human rights and public international law. She has represented U.S.-funded media outlet Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty to secure the release of one of its journalists in a prisoner exchange with Russia. Her work also includes representation of the Clooney Foundation for Justice, the American Bar Association Center for Human Rights, and the Public International Law & Policy Group.

Photo of Emanuel Ghebregergis Emanuel Ghebregergis

Emanuel Ghebregergis advises clients on international trade controls, white collar, and Business and Human Rights (BHR) matters under both European and German laws. His trade controls practice has included advising clients in a wide variety of industries on UN, EU and German sanctions…

Emanuel Ghebregergis advises clients on international trade controls, white collar, and Business and Human Rights (BHR) matters under both European and German laws. His trade controls practice has included advising clients in a wide variety of industries on UN, EU and German sanctions and export controls matters. Emanuel has also advised clients on a range of compliance issues and has also been involved in the review and assessment of trade controls compliance programs.

Emanuel’s BHR practice focuses on advising organizations across industry sectors on national and international standards for human rights and environmental due diligence in their supply chains. He has particular expertise advising clients on the new German Human Rights and Environmental Supply Chain Due Diligence Law.

Prior to joining Covington, Emanuel worked for the United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, where he dealt with human rights law as well as humanitarian law questions in response to complex emergencies.

Photo of Bart Szewczyk Bart Szewczyk

Having served in senior advisory positions in the U.S. government, Bart Szewczyk advises on European and global public policy, particularly on technology, economic sanctions and asset seizure, trade and foreign investment, business and human rights, and environmental, social, and governance issues, as well…

Having served in senior advisory positions in the U.S. government, Bart Szewczyk advises on European and global public policy, particularly on technology, economic sanctions and asset seizure, trade and foreign investment, business and human rights, and environmental, social, and governance issues, as well as conducts international arbitration. He also teaches grand strategy as an Adjunct Professor at Sciences Po in Paris and is a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the German Marshall Fund.

Bart recently worked as Advisor on Global Affairs at the European Commission’s think-tank, where he covered a wide range of foreign policy issues, including international order, defense, geoeconomics, transatlantic relations, Russia and Eastern Europe, Middle East and North Africa, and China and Asia. Previously, between 2014 and 2017, he served as Member of Secretary John Kerry’s Policy Planning Staff at the U.S. Department of State, where he covered Europe, Eurasia, and global economic affairs. From 2016 to 2017, he also concurrently served as Senior Policy Advisor to the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Samantha Power, where he worked on refugee policy. He joined the U.S. government from teaching at Columbia Law School, as one of two academics selected nationwide for the Council on Foreign Relations International Affairs Fellowship. He has also consulted for the World Bank and Rasmussen Global.

Prior to government, Bart was an Associate Research Scholar and Lecturer-in-Law at Columbia Law School, where he worked on international law and U.S. foreign relations law. Before academia, he taught international law and international organizations at George Washington University Law School, and served as a visiting fellow at the EU Institute for Security Studies. He also clerked at the International Court of Justice for Judges Peter Tomka and Christopher Greenwood and at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit for the late Judge Leonard Garth.

Bart holds a Ph.D. from Cambridge University where he studied as a Gates Scholar, a J.D. from Yale Law School, an M.P.A. from Princeton University, and a B.S. in economics (summa cum laude) from The Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania. He has published in Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, Harvard International Law Journal, Columbia Journal of European Law, American Journal of International Law, George Washington Law Review, Survival, and elsewhere. He is the author of three books: Europe’s Grand Strategy: Navigating a New World Order (Palgrave Macmillan 2021); with David McKean, Partners of First Resort: America, Europe, and the Future of the West (Brookings Institution Press 2021); and European Sovereignty, Legitimacy, and Power (Routledge 2021).

Photo of Matthieu Coget Matthieu Coget

Matthieu Coget counsels clients to develop and execute policy engagement strategies, to navigate through political risk, and to build and manage coalitions to accomplish their objectives at both the EU and Member State levels.

He also provides guidance on complex regulatory issues, particularly…

Matthieu Coget counsels clients to develop and execute policy engagement strategies, to navigate through political risk, and to build and manage coalitions to accomplish their objectives at both the EU and Member State levels.

He also provides guidance on complex regulatory issues, particularly in EU trade, energy, and food law. He frequently advises on the evolving regulatory developments in EU industrial policies.

Matthieu’s practice primarily services clients in the food and beverage, automotive, energy, and technology sectors.

He also maintains an active pro bono practice, addressing EU regulatory matters and supporting policy engagement initiatives.